名人演讲：伍德罗 威尔逊关于宣战对国会的演讲
http://www.newdu.com 2024/11/27 11:11:19 普惠英才 佚名 参加讨论
| 关于宣战对国会的演讲 War Message to Congress
世界应该让民主享有安全。 1914年夏，欧洲的同盟国（德国和奥甸帝国）与协约国（英国、法国和俄国）之间爆发了战争。美国人从未参与欧洲的战争，而且伍德罗。威尔逊总统宣称，美国人应当“名符其实地保持中立……表里一致地保持公正。”华盛顿和杰斐逊的这一重要规定经门罗主义得到进一步强调，即美国应避免卷入国际政治斗争。但事实证明，保持中立是十分困难的。1915年5月，一艘德国潜艇击沈了英国客轮“露西塔尼亚”号，包括一百二十八名美国人在内共有约一千二百人丧生，于是舆论哗然。 1916年威尔逊仰赖“他使我们避开了战争”这一口号在总统竞选中再次获胜。威尔逊认为他能够促使交战的双方和解，因此将助手派往欧洲，试图找到可能结束战争的条件。1917年1月，威尔逊对国会发表讲话，谈及他正努力寻找一个方案以达到“没有胜利的和平”，即既无赢家也无输家的解决办法，一个将由国际“和平联盟”确保的解决办法。威尔逊颇有远见地警告说，一种带惩罚性质的和平会给另一场欧洲冲突种下祸根。 德国保证不再突然袭击非武装船只，但在1917年初重新开始了毫无节制的潜艇进攻，击沈了几艘美国商船。威尔逊对德国的政策忍无可忍，遂于1917年4月2日请求国会批准宣战。这里节录的威尔逊关于宣战的演讲，将一百多万美军投入世界历史上最血腥的冲突之一。 大战结束时，威尔逊倡议建立国际联盟。当他从欧洲召开的和会返回美国时，肩负争取民众支援和平条约和国际联盟的任务，因为共和党人已控制了参议院。他的跨国旅行日程安排太紧，损害了健康。1919年9月威尔逊终于病倒，无法继续承担总统职责。 今年1月3日我正式通知你们，德意志帝国政府爲表了异乎寻常的通告，宣称从1月1日起它的宗旨是把法律的限制或仁慈的考虑统统抛置一边，用它的潜艇去击沈任何驶近英国和爱尔兰港口的船只，或驶近欧洲西海岸或地中海内德国的敌人所控制的任何港口的船只。这似乎是德国潜艇战在大战之初的目标。但从去年4月起，德意志帝国对其潜艇指挥官们多少有所限制，以实践当时它对我们许下的诺言即不击沈客轮，对其它它的潜艇可能摧毁的船只，只要不作抵抗、留在原地，便会向它们预先发出警告，而且让它们的船员至少有机会在不设防的船上逃生。在残酷无情的战争中，一桩桩令人悲痛的事件证明，德方的克制是很不够的，而且带有任意性，但确实有一定程度的节制。而新政策把任何限制都取消了。任何种类的船只，不论它挂什麽旗，具有什麽性质，载什麽货，驶向何处，完成什麽使命，全都被击沈，不给预先警告，也全然不顾船上人员的死活；友好中立国的船只与敌国的船只同样对待。甚至连医护船以及向比利时死伤惨重的人民运送救济物资的船只──后者被德国政府允许安全通过禁海而且带有明确无误的标记──同样也被丧失同情心和原则性的德军击沈。 有一度我无法相信，这种行径竟然真是一个一贯赞同文明世界人道惯例的政府的所作所爲。国际法起源于人类试图制订的某种的海洋上得到尊重和遵守的法律，该法律规定，任何国家无权统治海洋，世界各国的船只都可以在海上自由航行……德国政府以报复和必需爲借口，已将这起码的法律规定一脚踢开，因爲德国在海上除了毫不顾忌人道，蔑视对国际交往的共识，穷兵黩武之外，干不了什麽别的事。我现在想到的不是德国在海上造成的财産损失，尽管损失惨重，而是对大批平民生命肆无忌惮的屠杀，而这些男人、妇女和儿童所追求的目标向来──甚至在现代历史最黑暗的时期──被认爲是无辜和合法的。财産可以赔偿，而和平无辜人民的生命则无法赔偿。目前德国对付海上贸易的潜艇战其实是以人类爲敌。 这是针对所有国家的战争。美国船只被击沈，美国公民葬身海底，消息传来令人震惊。但其它中立或友好国家的船只和人员在海上遭到相同的厄运，没有什麽差别。这是对整个人类的挑战。每个国家必须独自决定它应如何对付这一挑战。我们必须适应我国的特点和宗旨审时度势，谨慎考虑，以作出我们自己的决定。我们绝对不应感情用事。我们的动机既非爲复仇也不是爲了耀武扬威，而仅仅是爲维护权利，维护人权，在这场斗争中我们国家仅仅是一名斗士…… 我深刻认识到我正采取的步骤的严重乃至悲剧的性质，以及它所包含的重大责任，但是我对履行自己由宪法规定的义务毫不迟疑。正是以这样的态度我建议国会宣布，德意志帝国最近的行动事实上已是对美国政府和人民发动了战争；美国正式接受已强加于它的交战国地位；美国将立即行动，不仅使国家处于完全的防御状态，而且将竭尽全力，使用一切手段迫使德国政府屈服，结束战争…… 当我们采取行动，这些重大行动的时候，我们自己应当清楚，也应让全世界明白我们的动机和目的是什麽。……我们的目的……是维护国际生活的和平与正义的原则，反对自私和专制的力量，我们要在世界上真正自由和自治的各国人民之中确立一种意志与行动的概念，有了它就能保证这些原则得到遵循。当问题涉及世界和平，涉及世界各国人民的自由时，当组织起来的势力支持某些专制政府按自己的意志而非人民的意志独断专行，从而对世界人民的和平与自由构成威胁时，中立便不再是可行或可取的了。我们看到，在这种情况下中立已成爲历史。我们处在一个新时代的开端，在这个时代中人们坚决要求，凡文明国家每个公民遵循的关于行爲和承担罪责的准则，各个国家和它们的政府也必须同样遵循。内容来自dedecms 我们与德国人民之间不存龃龉。对他们，我们除了同情和友谊没有别的情感。他们的政府投入战争并不是因爲人民的推动，他们事先一无所知，并未表示赞同。决定打这场战争与过去不幸的岁月中决定打一场战争的方式相同。旧时统治者从不征求人民的意见，战争的挑起和发动全都是爲着王朝的利益或是爲野心勃勃的人组成的小集团的利益，这些人惯于利用同胞作爲走卒和工具…… 我们接受这一敌意的挑战，因爲我们知道与这样一个采用这种手段的政府是绝对不可做朋友的；只要它组织起来的力量埋伏着准备实现不可告人的目的，世界上一切民主政府便无法得到安全保障。我们接受的将是一场与这个自由的天敌展开的宏大战役，如有必要，将动用我国的全部力量去制止和粉碎敌人的意图和势力。我们感到欣慰，因爲敌人撕去僞善的面纱，使我们看清了真相，这样我们将爲世界最终和平，爲世界各国人民包括德国人民的解放而战：爲大大小小各国的权利和世界各地人们选择自己的生活与服从权威的方式的特权而战。世界应该让民主享有安全。世界和平应建立在政治自由历经考验的基础上。我们没有什麽私利可图。我们不想要征服，不想要统治。我们不爲自己索取赔偿，对我们将慷慨作出的牺牲不求物质补偿。我们只不过是爲人类权利而战的斗士之一。当各国的信念和自由能确保人类权利不可侵犯之时，我们将心满意足。 在我们面前很可能有旷日持久的战火考验和惨重牺牲。把我们伟大、爱好和平的人民领入战争是件可怕的事。因爲这场战争是有史以来最血腥最残酷的，甚至文明自身似已岌岌可危。然而权利比和平更宝贵。我们将爲自己一向最珍惜的东西而战──爲了民主，爲人民服从权威以求在自己的政府中拥有发言权，爲弱小国家的权利和自由，爲自由的各国人民和谐一致共同享有权利以给所有国家带来和平与安全，使世界本身最终获得自由。爲完成这样一个任务，我们可以献出我们的生命财産，献出我们自己以及我们所有的一切；我们满怀自豪，因爲我们知道，这样的一天已经到来：美国有幸得以用她的鲜血和力量捍卫那些原则，正是它们给予她生命和快乐，给予她一向珍视的和平。上帝保佑她，她别无选择。 Woodrow Wilson War Message delivered 2 April 1917 演讲者简介：托马斯·伍德罗·威尔逊(Thomas Woodrow Wilson，1856年12月28日-1924年2月3日)，美国第28任总统。作为进步主义时代的一个领袖级知识分子，他曾先后任普林斯顿大学校长，新泽西州州长等职。1912年总统大选中，由于西奥多·罗斯福和威廉·塔夫脱的竞争分散了共和党选票，以民主党人身份当选总统。迄今为止，他是唯一拥有哲学博士(Ph.D.)头衔的美国总统(法律博士衔除外)，也是唯一一名任总统以前曾在新泽西州担任公职的美国总统。 Gentlemen of the Congress: I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making. On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean. That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats. The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity, haven been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle. I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by any government that hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage has that law been built up, with meager enough results, indeed, after all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear view, at least, of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded. This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world. I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be. The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind. It is war against all nations. American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been no discrimination. The challenge is to all mankind. Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and temperateness of judgment befitting our character and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion. When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all. The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modern publicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armed neutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs: they cut to the very roots of human life. With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the government and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war. What this will involve is clear. It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with the governments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to those governments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs. It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible. It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all respects but particularly in supplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy’s submarines. It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training. It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation. I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be necessary entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of the inflation which would be produced by vast loans. In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdoms of interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our own military forces with the duty -- for it will be a very practical duty -- of supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They are in the field and we should help them in every way to be effective there. I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive departments of the government, for the consideration of your committees, measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war safeguarding the nation will most directly fall. While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty-second of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the third day of February and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth ensure the observance of those principles. Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states. We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools. Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation’s affairs. A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own. Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was known by those who knew it best to have been always in fact democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their habitual attitude towards life. The autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian people have been added in all their naïve majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor. One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, wit the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States. Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we know that their source lay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors that intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence. We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such a government, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security of the democratic governments of the world. We are now about to accept a gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power. We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall cheerfully make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them. Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and fair play we profess to be fighting for. I have said nothing of the governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honor. The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna. We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no other means of defending our rights. It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck. We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us -- however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts. We have borne with their present government through all these bitter months because of that friendship -- exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible. We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and native sympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few. It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world at last free. To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other. (责任编辑：admin) |